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Linguistics Department

Stanford University

Stanford Humanities Center
Mellon Foundation
Graduate Research Workshop Program

 Stanford Semantics and Pragmatics Workshop:

THE CONSTRUCTION OF MEANING



Tuesday, May 11, 5:30pm in 460-126:

Causative Alternation Errors and Innate Knowledge: Consequences of the 'No Negative Evidence' Fallacy

Jean-Philippe Marcotte (Stanford)

Pinker (1989) argues that children's causative alternation errors ("Don't fall me down", "The ball didn't throw in") must be a manifestation of innate grammatical knowledge if there is to be an explanation for the fact that children eventually attain correct knowledge despite the absence of negative evidence. I argue in my dissertation that negative evidence is no more or less prevalant in children's environment than positive evidence, and that the knowledge Pinker claims must be innate can in fact be attained through the interaction of the nature of the target knowledge and the nature of child/adult interactions.

Children's ability to detect shared meanings between their own utterances and adult ones is an unspoken but crucial precondition to obtaining even positive evidence. Both positive and negative evidence are the outcome of a process of comparison between the child's parse of an adult utterance in its context, and a child-generated representation expressing the same meaning in that context. Matches yield positive evidence, mismatches yield negative evidence.

A construction paradigm approach, in which linkages between verbs and the constructions in which they can enter are determined by the meanings of verbs, accounts for both the semantics of argument alternation errors and their bidirectionality, whereas Lord (1979) fails in the former respect and Bowerman (1974, 1982) in the latter. I provide a theory of language use in which linguistic representations of meaning are divorced from, and refer to, conceptual representations of events (Talmy 2000). It emerges from this that children acquire erroneous verb meanings (Behrend 1990) in just such a way that they hypothesize incorrect construction paradigms, yielding a possibility of error. A verb is likely to be used erroneously in a construction when properties of the event to be denoted favor the use of that construction (Wolff 1999, 2003).

Preliminary results are consistent with this approach: naturally occurring causative alternation errors (n=222), gathered from published and unpublished diaries, are restricted to verbs for which it is predicted that erroneous meanings are acquired, and arise when the construction with which the error is made is favored by the context.

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This workshop is sponsored by the Stanford Humanities Center, and funded by a grant from the Mellon Foundation.













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