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Linguistics Department

Stanford University

Stanford Humanities Center
Mellon Foundation
Graduate Research Workshop Program

 Stanford Semantics and Pragmatics Workshop:

THE CONSTRUCTION OF MEANING



Thursday, March 4, 12noon in 460-126:

Scalar Complexity and the Structure of Events

John Beavers (Stanford University)

The telicity of change-of-state events often correlates homomorphically to privileged participants in the event (e.g. incremental themes, paths, cf. Krifka (1989), Tenny (1992)). In this paper I adopt a general view of such homomorphisms and apply them to durativity, arguing that the relevant factor for understanding durativity is the complexity of the scale of change. This correlation explains cooccurrence restrictions between certain aspectual classes of verbs and result/goal XPs in resultative constructions (e.g. non-gradable AdjPs only cooccurs with punctual Vs (``John shot/*beat Bill dead'') (Wechsler 2002); PP[to] only cooccurs with durative Vs (``John beat/*shot Bill to death'') (Beavers 2002)). This correlation also underlies the interpretation of inherent change-of-state Vs, e.g. the traditional difference between achievements and accomplishments as well as change-of-state Vs that allow variable durativity interpretations (commensurate with variable gradability interpretations). I provide a mereological account (Krifka 1998) of this correlation by assuming that all dynamic Vs have both event and scale arguments and entail a homomorphic mapping between these two arguments that preserves mereological complexity. Lexical and contextual factors impose constraints on the mereological complexity of these two arguments and the homomorphism enforces compatibility between the lexemes and context. This explains a wide range of distributional data in a very general way, compatible with previous work on telicity and expandable to other aspectual types (such as statives).

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This workshop is sponsored by the Stanford Humanities Center, and funded by a grant from the Mellon Foundation.













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