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Linguistics Department

Stanford University

Stanford Humanities Center
Mellon Foundation
Graduate Research Workshop Program

 Stanford Semantics and Pragmatics Workshop:

THE CONSTRUCTION OF MEANING



SemFest, March 14, CSLI

9:00-9:30

Ashwini Deo

Three classes of dative subjects in Marathi

Three Classes of Dative Subjects in Marathi The diachronic emergence of dative `experiencer' subjects in the New Indo Aryan language Marathi is a result of independent shifts in the lexical semantics and argument structure of predicates and case marking of arguments. I provide a historical account of these shifts and demonstrate that they give rise to three distinct classes of dative subject verbs. I argue that these diachronic classes are reflected in differences in the synchronic syntactic behavior of these verbs and that disagreements within the literature on subjecthood properties of dative subjects in Marathi result from a failure to recognize them. A comparison of Sanskrit and Marathi yields the following classes:
a) shine predicates: Sanskrit intransitives with an internal theme argument undergo a change in lexical semantics to license an additional experiencer argument marked in the dative. For instance, the Sanskrit intransitive verb _bhaas_ `shine' undergoes a semantic shift to mean `appear' with an experiencer and a theme argument. The shine class thus involves a shift in both verbal semantics and argument structure.
b)know predicates: These are Sanskrit transitive verbs with a nominative-accusative case marking pattern. In Marathi, the case marking on the subject changes from nominative to dative. This shift in argument realization begins in Old Marathi and is extended verb by verb through the modern language. For instance, the Sanskrit verb _sam-jnaa_ `know' has nominative subjects, and is cognate to the Marathi verb _samaj_ `understand' which licenses a dative subject.
c) burn predicates:} These are transitive verbs whose patients are reanalyzed as experiencers following a change in their verbal semantics. For instance, the Sanskrit verb _dah_ burn undergoes a shift to mean `harass' in Marathi. This change in lexical semantics allows for the patient to be reanalyzed as a dative experiencer.
The recognition of these classes also resolves a contradiction in the literature about the subjecthood properties of dative arguments (Pandharipande 1990; Joshi 1993; Rosen \& Wali 1989). Diagnostics such as present participle formation and causativization have been used to argue both for and against the subjecthood of dative arguments by lumping together these heterogeneous classes of verbs under a single `dative-subject verb' class. For instance, Pandharipande (1990) claims that the dative arguments in experiencer predicates are not subjects on the grounds that present participles do not modify dative arguments. Joshi (1993), on the other hand, claims that they do. This contradiction results from the application of the diagnostic to distinct subclasses of dative subject verbs. The subclass of know predicates form participles which may modify the dative argument, while the other subclasses don't. Pandharipande's arguments depend on the participial form of a verb that belongs to the shine class (examples in 1), while Joshi's argument hinges on the participial form of a verb from the know class (examples in 2).
The classification I propose is not only historically justified but grounded in synchronic differences in the lexical semantics of these verb classes. Verbs of the burn class have a causative event structure (cf. object experiencer verbs) while know predicates are similar to subject experiencer verbs. These semantic patterns indicate a strong, if imperfect, correspondence to the psych verb classes proposed by Belletti & Rizzi (1988).
1) muli-laa saadii aavad-te
girl-dat-fem-sg saree-nom-fem-sg like-pres-fem-sg
`The girl likes the saree.'

*saadii aavadnaarii mulgi
saree-nom-fem-sg like-pres-part-fem-sg girl-dat-fem-sg
`The saree liking girl.' (Pandharipande, 1990)

2) muli-laa abhyaas samaj-to
girl-dat-fem-sg study nom-mas-sg understand- pres-mas-sg
`The girl understands the study.'

abhyaas samajnaarii mulgi.
study nom-mas-sg understand- pres-part-fem-sg girl-nom-fem-sg
`The study understanding girl.'

References:
Belletii, Adriana and Luigi Rizzi (1988). Psych Verbs and Theta Theory. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory, 6 (pp. 291-352).
Joshi, Smita (1993). Selection of Grammatical and Logical Functions in Marathi. PhD. Dissertation, Stanford University.
Pandharipande, Rajeshwari (1990). Experiencer Dative NPs in Marathi. In Manindra Verma and K.P. Mohanan eds. Experiencer Subjects in South Asian Languages. CSLI Publications.
Rosen, Carol and Kashi Wali (1989). Twin passive, Inversion, and Multistratalism in Marathi. Natural language and Linguistic Theory, 7 (pp. 1-50).

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This workshop is sponsored by the Stanford Humanities Center, and funded by a grant from the Mellon Foundation.













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